| A great start on dealing with conflicts of interest in office
By Michael Lewis
A disclosure plan Mayor Carlos Alvarez lays out for top officials is so good
that it shouldn't stop at county hall. With tweaking, it would benefit cities,
too.
His
reasoning is on target: Disclosure of self-interests wipes out fears of secret
profits in public office.
He
doesn't propose new penalties for conflicts of interest, counting on voters
to draw proper conclusions from disclosures and government to wipe out conflicts
under existing rules.
As
the mayor puts it:
"Public
confidence in elected officials is the most precious commodity any government
can count upon because, without that trust, it would be impossible to govern.
... We must take steps to guarantee the highest levels of transparency in government
and demand the highest ethical standards of our public servants. To be truly
effective, we must foster complete trust from our community."
The
proposal would require officials to file a sworn statement before taking an
action affecting a private client or customer, subject financial disclosure
statements to auditing and post disclosures on line.
It
would be hard to disagree.
But
adjusting is needed in the plan Mr. Alvarez sent to commission Chairman Joe
A. Martinez to introduce - remember, the mayor cannot introduce legislation
and needs cooperation from 13 commissioners he has alienated to get anything
passed.
What
kind of tweaking is needed? Let's look at real-world bad examples.
Case
1: A mayor, a commissioner and a manager partner up for a real estate deal
that promises a big payoff after government enhances their property's value,
which it does. While the three don't personally act to enrich themselves, actions
are taken by subordinates. This is the Manny Diaz-Johnny Winton-Joe Arriola
case in the City of Miami.
The
Alvarez proposal wouldn't spot this ethical entanglement because the three
wouldn't have to file statements of action they did not take. They would have
to list ownership in the land but not partners' names, putting the burden of
linking the three on investigators or sharp-eyed citizens. Someone has to put
the pieces together.
Case
2: A mayor is a partner in a troubled marina and restaurant on valuable government
land. The partnership falls almost $200,000 behind in rent, but government
does nothing. This is the Manny Diaz case in the City of Miami.
The
proposed regulations wouldn't catch this one with a required sworn statement,
either, because the mayor took no action - nor, incredibly, did anyone else.
The mayor wouldn't have to list his share of ownership on the disclosure if
he didn't get paid - and troubled as the deal was, he might not have been.
He might have had to note ownership in a company but not the city leasehold,
again leaving it to investigators to make the link.
Case
3: The mayor in the marina-restaurant deal sells his share of the valuable
lease on government land for an undisclosed amount. Also undisclosed is how
much he paid for his share, if anything, or whether his political muscle was
all he invested (this happened with a county commissioner in Central Florida
in 14 separate deals). Again, the Manny Diaz case.
Once
more, government took no apparent action, so the sworn statement is not needed,
though the beneficiary would have had to disclose how much he got for his share
- though not his profit, so we'd never know if he'd paid for his share or gotten
it free.
Case
4: Back to the mayor and the marina-restaurant. While he sells his share in
this site to his partners, all remain partners in deals elsewhere. The partners
hold the lease on city land other operators would covet. Once again, the Manny
Diaz case.
The
biggest flaw in the Alvarez proposal is that it requires no disclosure of third-party
deals like this unless the mayor in the restaurant-marina deal were to act
on his partners' leasehold. But it is in Mayor Diaz's best interests never
to act. Action might result in someone other than his partner getting a valuable
lease.
So
while the spirit of Mayor Alvarez's proposal is impeccable, it needs fine-tuning
to attack real-world abuses. He in fact suggests that but offers his plan as
a starting point.
Considering
that all four studies in conflict of interest come from the City of Miami,
the Alvarez proposal should become the starting point for action at all levels
of government.
Meanwhile,
Miamians should look hard at who is involved in all four cases.
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